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These interviews reveal another side to working class drinking, where alcohol consumption revolved around family life, work and leisure. In fact, everyday working class drinking was much more humdrum and routine.

Beer was the basis of leisure. It took the place which later became filled with cigarettes and television.

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Children would fetch jugs from the pubs for tired parents to relax at home at the end of the day. At funerals, at weddings, at harvest, at the initiation of apprentices, at ordinary work breaks, a glass of beer would be exchanged.

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Yet as the quote above suggests, there was another side to working-class drinking where alcohol formed an ordinary part of everyday life. The quote is from Paul Thompson, a sociologist who conducted an oral bináris opciós stratégia a h1 számára study of Edwardian family life.

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Accounts of excessive drinking were widely documented in the press and in official reports, yet the more humdrum, routine and private drinking habits that existed across the social spectrum largely escaped public scrutiny. The chapter draws upon an analysis of oral history transcripts which offer glimpses of the ways in which working-class men and women consumed alcohol and their reasons for doing so.

Instead, it offers first-hand accounts of drinking based upon the experiences and memories of surviving Victorians and Edwardians.

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Many contemporaries and some historians looked no further than the publicly drunken aspects of Victorian working-class drinking culture that seemed to be evident on city streets or in pubs, theatres and dance halls. Yet for many working-class families, free time was spent at home, where alcohol formed an integral part of the daily routine that signalled the end of the working day.

The research was conducted in the s when it was still possible to interview surviving Victorians and Edwardians in Britain.

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The study comprised interviews with men and women all born between and The interviewees consisted of men and women from all social classes and occupational groups who were living in urban and rural regions of England, Scotland and Wales. The interview schedule consisted of a list of questions that included the roles and work of family members, for example cooking, dining, domestic routines and family values. The interviews were open-ended and some of the questions concerned alcohol consumption.

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The main questions relating to alcohol were 1. Did your mother or father brew their own beer or make wine? Did your mother or father go to the pub? The interviews lasted between one and six hours and therefore the london home work transcripts are lengthy a full extract of data from the original transcripts can be found in the Appendix.

Both working-class and middle-class people were interviewed and asked london home work that related to alcohol consumption and drinking behaviour. The middle-class interviews will be dealt with in the next chapter which considers the private drinking culture of the higher classes.

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This offers insights into how working-class people thought about drinking and also into the ways in which alcohol was produced and consumed. There is rich qualitative data on attitudes towards alcohol consumption, which sometimes reflect the social and cultural values of different groups of working-class people. Yet the use of oral history transcripts can have potential pitfalls: These were old men and women recollecting events from london home work childhoods and they may have forgotten or exaggerated details.

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However, this was a large representative study that interviewed a wide range of people and it is possible london home work see patterns in the responses, which suggests some accuracy of detail. But accuracy was not the main reason for using the oral history transcripts.

The study was conducted over four years between and and involved qualitative interviews, observation and the collection of data and statistics.

Although the london home work offers a snapshot of drinking behaviour in the interwar years, some of the interviewees had been alive in the Victorian and Edwardian periods and therefore they brought with them some ingrained drinking habits and attitudes towards alcohol consumption.

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The interviewees shared their reasons for drinking particular types of alcohol and these reasons offer insights into the ways in which working-class consumers justified their drinking behaviour. The Worktown study provides a contrast to The Edwardians study because bináris opciók kereskedéseinek másolása focuses on the public drinking culture of the pub whereas The Edwardians drinking is largely situated in the home.

When combined, these studies provide insights into working-class drinking within different social, spatial and temporal contexts. For Victorian and Edwardian working-class families, patterns of drinking largely revolved around family life and home consumption of alcohol was as popular as visiting local pubs. Some of the interviewees recalled the daily trip to london home work local pub to buy dinner beer I remember some of the older boys going round to fetch the supper beer — which was a pint of beer for tuppence, you see they [parents] had a glass each out of that for their supper.

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But none of us were ever allowed to taste it. And it was considered dreadful for a younger person to be in a london home work you see — so that it was only the older ones who were allowed to fetch the supper beer — or perhaps my mother or father would fetch it themselves you know.

One interviewee, a man from Essex, was asked if his mother and father drank beer with their evening meal.

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He only recalled his mother having a half pint of porter every evening with supper and london home work his father would visit the local pub in the evenings. When asked if his mother and father ever went to the pub together, he replied that in his town women did not enter pubs and instead were more likely to consume alcohol at home. In the slums and in poorer working-class areas, women drinkers were a more visible presence within pubs.

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Yet in more affluent working-class areas, women still visited pubs but many went only to fetch the dinner beer. In those terms, it was not the act of drinking alcohol that challenged feminine norms but rather the location of alcohol consumption. Drinking beer london home work dinner seems to have been common, as was visiting local pubs in the evenings. Interviewer: Did he stick to the same boozer? JF: Oh no he went to several and then some evenings he went to whist drives and they were held at these public houses you know.

The study listed the types of activities that people london home work men did in pubs. The pub was also a venue for a range of other activities such as weddings and funerals, trades union meetings, secret societies, finding work, crime and prostitution, sex and gambling.

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Women, who often have london home work pay for them, go more for taste and the externals.